What to know about the Gaza peace plan agreed to by Trump and Netanyahu

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CAIRO (AP) — After Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu threw his support behind the U.S. peace plan for Gaza, the question now is whether Hamas will agree.

Hamas faces a bitter tradeoff — the proposal demands that the militant group effectively surrender in return for uncertain gains. But if it rejects the deal, the U.S. could give Israel an even freer hand to continue its punishing campaign in the already devastated territory.

Under the proposal, the militant group would have to disarm in return for an end to fighting, humanitarian aid for Palestinians, and the promise of reconstruction in Gaza — all desperately hoped for by its population.

But the proposal has only a vague promise that some day, perhaps, Palestinian statehood might be possible. For the foreseeable future, Gaza and its more than 2 million Palestinians would be put under international control. An international security force would move in, and a “Board of Peace” headed by Trump and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair to oversee Gaza’s administration and reconstruction. The territory would remain surrounded by Israeli troops.

Trump and Netanyahu said they agreed on the plan Monday after talks at the White House.

The proposal includes one provision that Netanyahu and his hard-line government most strongly oppose: It says the Palestinian Authority will eventually govern Gaza. But Netanyahu is likely betting that will never come to pass. Israel also rejects any Palestinian state.

The White House issued the text on Monday of its 20-point proposal. Here is what to know.

The plan calls for all hostilities to immediately end. Within 72 hours, Hamas would release all hostages it still holds, living or dead. The militants still hold 48 hostages — 20 of whom are believed by Israel to be alive.

In return, Israel would free 250 Palestinians serving life sentences in its prisons as well as 1,700 people detained from Gaza since the war began, including all women and children. Israel would also hand over the bodies of 15 Palestinians for each body of a hostage handed over.

The plan calls for an Israeli troop withdrawal. But it would only take place after Hamas disarms and as the international security force deploys to fill in areas that Israeli forces leave.

Israel would also maintain a “security perimeter presence” – a vague phrasing that could mean it would keep a buffer zone inside Gaza.

Those terms could bring pushback from Hamas, which has said it will not release all its hostages unless it receives a “clear declaration” the war will end and Israel will leave Gaza completely.

Hamas would have no part in administering Gaza, and all its military infrastructure — including tunnels — would be dismantled. Members who pledge to live peacefully would be granted amnesty, and those who wish to leave Gaza would be allowed to.

The international security force would ensure Hamas’ disarmament and keep order. It would also train Palestinian police to take over law enforcement. Mediator Egypt has said it is training thousands of Palestinian police to deploy to Gaza.

Meanwhile, humanitarian aid would be allowed to flow into Gaza in large amounts and would be run by “neutral international bodies,” including the U.N. and the Red Crescent. It is unclear whether the Gaza Humanitarian Fund, a controversial alternative food distribution system backed by Israel and the U.S., would continue to operate.

The plan also specifies that Palestinians will not be expelled from Gaza, and that there will be an international effort to rebuild the territory for Palestinians.

In normal cases, that might not need spelling out. But Palestinians have feared mass expulsion after both Trump and the Israeli government spoke of pushing out Gaza’s population – ostensibly in a “voluntary” manner – and rebuilding the strip as a sort of international real estate venture.

The interim administration of Palestinian technocrats would run day-to-day affairs in Gaza. But it would be overseen by the “Board of Peace.” The board would also supervise funding of reconstruction, a role that could give it enormous power over governing Gaza since that is the biggest task facing the territory, almost completely destroyed by Israel’s campaign.

During this interim administration, the Palestinian Authority would undergo reforms so it can eventually take over governing Gaza.

The plan has only a slight nod to the issue of statehood. It says that if the Palestinian Authority reforms sufficiently and Gaza redevelopment advances, “the conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.”